* Party congress to set agenda for next decade
* Erdogan seen tightening grip
* Regional leaders expected to attend
By Nick Tattersall and Can Sezer
KONYA, Turkey, Sept 26 (Reuters) - Surveying the street
lights sparkling like jewels on the plain below, Tahir Akyurek
looks back with satisfaction on his first eight years as mayor
of this central Turkish city.
Two-lane highways have been widened to six, a fast train
line has put Ankara just an hour and a half away, and there is
a new park where students and the elderly chat over tea or
wander among pristine lawns in the shadow of elegant minarets.
More so than the teeming streets of cosmopolitan Istanbul,
the ordered avenues of Ankara or the resorts of the Aegean and
Mediterranean coasts, this conservative industrial city on the
Anatolian plateau epitomises the reformist ambitions of Turkey's
ruling Justice and Development (AK) Party.
"Konya is connected with its traditions and embraces the new
... Being conservative, being devoted to tradition, does not
mean being reactionary," Akyurek told Reuters, sipping tea and
chewing almonds on a cafe terrace overlooking the city.
His sentiments reflect the self-image of the Islamist-rooted
AK Party as it prepares for its biggest overhaul since sweeping
to power in Turkey a decade ago. Critics are less charitable,
viewing it as a threat to the modern secular republic founded by
Kemal Ataturk on the ruins of the Ottoman Empire 90 years ago.
The party's Sept. 30 congress is unlikely to offer any sign
Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan, viewed by many Turks as their
strongest leader since Ataturk, is loosening his grip on a
heavily-centralised party or on the country as a whole. AK, its
initials spelling out the word for purity, is Erdogan's child.
New members of the party's administrative body will be
picked to steer it through an election cycle beginning next
year, but Erdogan will make sure those close to him remain in
charge, helping smooth his way to an expected bid for a
newly-constituted executive presidency in 2014.
"The importance of this convention is that it will determine
the people who will be at the core of the party after Erdogan
becomes president," said Koray Caliskan, associate political
science professor at the Bosphorus University and a columnist
for the liberal daily Radikal.
"He will want the leader to obey him but at the same time to
balance different opinions in the party."
AUTHORITARIAN FIGURE
Erdogan created the AK Party as Turkey slid into a financial
crisis in 2001, rallying around himself an array of centre-right
democrats and nationalists as well as religious conservatives.
The party swept to its first victory a year later as an angry
populace rejected long established parties tainted by
corruption, personal rivalries and economic mismanagement.
The past decade has seen per capita income nearly triple and
re-established Turkey as a regional power, with Western nations
seeing its mix of democratic stability and Islamic culture as a
potential role model in a volatile region.
It has been Turkey's longest period of single-party
government for more than half a century, ending a history of
fragile coalition governments punctuated by military coups.
But while he may be a towering figure of Turkish politics
with three successive landslide victories, Erdogan's autocratic
style makes him loved and loathed with equal passion.
Hundreds of politicians, academics and journalists are on
trial as part of a five-year investigation into an alleged
secularist network known as "Ergenekon", accused of plotting
against the government. More than 300 army officers were handed
long jail terms last Friday for an alleged plot to topple
Erdogan almost a decade ago.
"Democracy is not making progress in this country. It is
regressing in terms of the separation of powers, the
independence of the judiciary and freedom of expression," said
Faruk Logoglu, vice chairman of the main opposition Republican
People's Party (CHP).
"(Erdogan's) primary aim will be to conduct a congress that
will navigate him to the presidency and to a new constitution
which he hopes will be of his making and design."
The CHP, the party of Ataturk, has struggled to mount any
effective opposition to AK, in parliament or on the streets.
Some observers contend that the only real threat to the party
might come when Erdogan relinquishes power. Without him, they
say, it could dissolve into the many and disparate political
parts from which he forged it.
Party officials expect as many as 30,000 people at the
convention in a sports arena in Ankara. Egypt's Islamist
President Mohamed Mursi, who was swept to power last year after
a popular uprising, is among the regional leaders invited.
Erdogan, a devout Muslim who once served a brief prison
sentence for religious incitement, championed the pro-democracy
uprisings of the "Arab Spring", which saw decades-old
dictatorships unseated in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt.
"There was great interest in Prime Minister Erdogan when he
visited Egypt and Libya," said Idris Bal, an AK Party deputy and
member of parliament's foreign affairs commission, when asked
about Mursi's invitation.
"The main attraction of our party is that it is not based on
religious or ethnic nationalism," Bal said.
But after a decade in power, Erdogan has failed to bring
about much hope of an end to a 28-year-old war with Kurdish
militants in Turkey's mountainous southeastern border region
with Iraq, a topic likely to be high on Sunday's agenda.
The government has broken taboos with some reforms such as
authorising Kurdish language teaching and broadcasting. But
recent fighting with the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) -
considered a terrorist organisation by Ankara, the United States
and European Union - has been some of the heaviest since it took
up arms in 1984 with the aim of carving out a Kurdish state.
Thousands of pro-Kurdish trade unionists, politicians,
academics and journalists have been detained since 2009, accused
of links with the PKK.
Masoud Barzani, president of Iraq's autonomous Kurdistan
region, has been invited to the party congress, as has Iraqi
Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, whose Shi'ite-led government in
Baghdad has been irritated by Ankara's courting of Iraqi Kurds.
CREEPING CONSERVATISM
Senior figures from smaller rival parties look set to be
given roles in the AK Party administration as part of the
overhaul, a bid to consolidate its support base for the coming
electoral cycle.
Numan Kurtulmus, head of the former Islamist-rooted HAS
Party, and Suleyman Soylu, one-time leader of the conservative
Democratic Party, have joined the AK Party in recent weeks and
could be rewarded with senior administrative roles.
"What they are trying to say is we want to agree with
everyone on the political right and centre, we are taking them
into our ranks. The prime minister's initiative is trying to
portray the party as inclusive," said Tarhan Erdem, the head of
Turkish polling company Konda.
"(The congress) is a major turning point for the AK Party.
But it will not be a turning point because of ideas put forth by
party members ... New policies will be formed and implemented by
the party leader. That is all there is to it. One shouldn't see
this as a part of democratic activity," he said.
Erdogan's taming of the military, self-appointed guardians
of Turkish secularism, has fuelled suspicions in Western-facing
cities like Istanbul and other coastal towns that the AK Party
has a hidden agenda of creeping Islamic conservatism.
Some disdain the appearance of the Islamic headscarf in
public institutions,
© 2023 Thomson/Reuters. All rights reserved.